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DOCTRINAL NOTE
on some questions regarding
The Participation of Catholics in Political
Life
The Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith,
having received the opinion of the Pontifical Council for the
Laity, has decided that it would be appropriate to publish the
present Doctrinal Note on some questions regarding the
participation of Catholics in political life. This Note is
directed to the Bishops of the Catholic Church and, in a
particular way, to Catholic politicians and all lay members of
the faithful called to participate in the political life of
democratic societies.
I. A constant teaching
1. The commitment of Christians in
the world has found a variety of expressions in the course of the
past 2000 years. One such expression has been Christian involvement
in political life: Christians, as one Early Church writer stated,
«play their full role as citizens». Among the saints, the Church
venerates many men and women who served God through their generous
commitment to politics and government. Among these, Saint Thomas
More, who was proclaimed Patron of Statesmen and Politicians, gave
witness by his martyrdom to «the inalienable dignity of the human
conscience». Though subjected to various forms of psychological
pressure, Saint Thomas More refused to compromise, never forsaking
the «constant fidelity to legitimate authority and institutions»
which distinguished him; he taught by his life and his death that
«man cannot be separated from God, nor politics from morality».
It is commendable that in today’s
democratic societies, in a climate of true freedom, everyone is made
a participant in directing the body politic. Such societies call for
new and fuller forms of participation in public life by Christian
and non-Christian citizens alike. Indeed, all can contribute, by
voting in elections for lawmakers and government officials, and in
other ways as well, to the development of political solutions and
legislative choices which, in their opinion, will benefit the common
good. The life of a democracy could not be productive without the
active, responsible and generous involvement of everyone, «albeit in
a diversity and complementarity of forms, levels, tasks, and
responsibilities».
By fulfilling their civic duties,
«guided by a Christian conscience», in conformity with its values,
the lay faithful exercise their proper task of infusing the temporal
order with Christian values, all the while respecting the nature and
rightful autonomy of that order, and cooperating with other citizens
according to their particular competence and responsibility. The
consequence of this fundamental teaching of the Second Vatican
Council is that «the lay faithful are never to relinquish their
participation in ‘public life’, that is, in the many different
economic, social, legislative, administrative and cultural areas,
which are intended to promote organically and institutionally the
common good». This would include the promotion and defence of goods
such as public order and peace, freedom and equality, respect for
human life and for the environment, justice and solidarity.
The present Note does not
seek to set out the entire teaching of the Church on this matter,
which is summarized in its essentials in the Catechism of the
Catholic Church, but intends only to recall some principles
proper to the Christian conscience, which inspire the social and
political involvement of Catholics in democratic societies. The
emergence of ambiguities or questionable positions in recent times,
often because of the pressure of world events, has made it necessary
to clarify some important elements of Church teaching in this area.
II. Central points in the
current cultural and political debate
2. Civil society today is
undergoing a complex cultural process as the end of an era brings
with it a time of uncertainty in the face of something new. The
great strides made in our time give evidence of humanity’s progress
in attaining conditions of life which are more in keeping with human
dignity. The growth in the sense of responsibility towards
countries still on the path of development is without doubt an
important sign, illustrative of a greater sensitivity to the common
good. At the same time, however, one cannot close one’s eyes to the
real dangers which certain tendencies in society are promoting
through legislation, nor can one ignore the effects this will have
on future generations.
A kind of cultural relativism
exists today, evident in the conceptualization and defence of an
ethical pluralism, which sanctions the decadence and disintegration
of reason and the principles of the natural moral law. Furthermore,
it is not unusual to hear the opinion expressed in the public sphere
that such ethical pluralism is the very condition for democracy. As
a result, citizens claim complete autonomy with regard to their
moral choices, and lawmakers maintain that they are respecting this
freedom of choice by enacting laws which ignore the principles of
natural ethics and yield to ephemeral cultural and moral trends, as
if every possible outlook on life were of equal value. At the same
time, the value of tolerance is disingenuously invoked when a large
number of citizens, Catholics among them, are asked not to base
their contribution to society and political life – through the
legitimate means available to everyone in a democracy – on their
particular understanding of the human person and the common
good. The history of the twentieth century demonstrates that those
citizens were right who recognized the falsehood of relativism, and
with it, the notion that there is no moral law rooted in the nature
of the human person, which must govern our understanding of man, the
common good and the state.
3. Such relativism, of course, has
nothing to do with the legitimate freedom of Catholic citizens to
choose among the various political opinions that are compatible with
faith and the natural moral law, and to select, according to their
own criteria, what best corresponds to the needs of the common
good. Political freedom is not – and cannot be – based upon the
relativistic idea that all conceptions of the human person’s good
have the same value and truth, but rather, on the fact that politics
are concerned with very concrete realizations of the true human and
social good in given historical, geographic, economic, technological
and cultural contexts. From the specificity of the task at hand and
the variety of circumstances, a plurality of morally acceptable
policies and solutions arises. It is not the Church’s task to set
forth specific political solutions – and even less to propose a
single solution as the acceptable one – to temporal questions that
God has left to the free and responsible judgment of each person. It
is, however, the Church’s right and duty to provide a moral judgment
on temporal matters when this is required by faith or the moral
law. If Christians must «recognize the legitimacy of differing
points of view about the organization of worldly affairs«, they are
also called to reject, as injurious to democratic life, a conception
of pluralism that reflects moral relativism. Democracy must be based
on the true and solid foundation of non-negotiable ethical
principles, which are the underpinning of life in society.
On the level of concrete political
action, there can generally be a plurality of political parties in
which Catholics may exercise – especially through legislative
assemblies – their right and duty to contribute to the public life
of their country. This arises because of the contingent nature of
certain choices regarding the ordering of society, the variety of
strategies available for accomplishing or guaranteeing the same
fundamental value, the possibility of different interpretations of
the basic principles of political theory, and the technical
complexity of many political problems. It should not be confused,
however, with an ambiguous pluralism in the choice of moral
principles or essential values. The legitimate plurality of temporal
options is at the origin of the commitment of Catholics to politics
and relates directly to Christian moral and social teaching. It is
in the light of this teaching that lay Catholics must assess their
participation in political life so as to be sure that it is marked
by a coherent responsibility for temporal reality.
The Church recognizes that while
democracy is the best expression of the direct participation of
citizens in political choices, it succeeds only to the extent that
it is based on a correct understanding of the human person. Catholic
involvement in political life cannot compromise on this principle,
for otherwise the witness of the Christian faith in the world, as
well as the unity and interior coherence of the faithful, would be
non-existent. The democratic structures on which the modern state is
based would be quite fragile were its foundation not the centrality
of the human person. It is respect for the person that makes
democratic participation possible. As the Second Vatican Council
teaches, the protection of «the rights of the person is, indeed, a
necessary condition for citizens, individually and collectively, to
play an active part in public life and administration».
4. The complex array of today’s
problems branches out from here, including some never faced by past
generations. Scientific progress has resulted in advances that are
unsettling for the consciences of men and women and call for
solutions that respect ethical principles in a coherent and
fundamental way. At the same time, legislative proposals are put
forward which, heedless of the consequences for the existence and
future of human beings with regard to the formation of culture and
social behaviour, attack the very inviolability of human
life. Catholics, in this difficult situation, have the right and the
duty to recall society to a deeper understanding of human life and
to the responsibility of everyone in this regard. John Paul II,
continuing the constant teaching of the Church, has reiterated many
times that those who are directly involved in lawmaking bodies have
a «grave and clear obligation to oppose» any law that attacks
human life. For them, as for every Catholic, it is impossible to
promote such laws or to vote for them. As John Paul II has taught in
his Encyclical Letter Evangelium vitae regarding the
situation in which it is not possible to overturn or completely
repeal a law allowing abortion which is already in force or coming
up for a vote, «an elected official, whose absolute personal
opposition to procured abortion was well known, could licitly
support proposals aimed at limiting the harm done by such a
law and at lessening its negative consequences at the level of
general opinion and public morality».
In this context, it must be noted
also that a well-formed Christian conscience does not permit one to
vote for a political program or an individual law which contradicts
the fundamental contents of faith and morals. The Christian faith is
an integral unity, and thus it is incoherent to isolate some
particular element to the detriment of the whole of Catholic
doctrine. A political commitment to a single isolated aspect of the
Church’s social doctrine does not exhaust one’s responsibility
towards the common good. Nor can a Catholic think of delegating his
Christian responsibility to others; rather, the Gospel of Jesus
Christ gives him this task, so that the truth about man and the
world might be proclaimed and put into action.
When political activity comes up
against moral principles that do not admit of exception, compromise
or derogation, the Catholic commitment becomes more evident and
laden with responsibility. In the face of fundamental and
inalienable ethical demands, Christians must recognize that what
is at stake is the essence of the moral law, which concerns the
integral good of the human person. This is the case with laws
concerning abortion and euthanasia (not to be confused
with the decision to forgo extraordinary treatments, which is
morally legitimate). Such laws must defend the basic right to life
from conception to natural death. In the same way, it is necessary
to recall the duty to respect and protect the rights of the human
embryo. Analogously, the family needs to be safeguarded
and promoted, based on monogamous marriage between a man and a
woman, and protected in its unity and stability in the face of
modern laws on divorce: in no way can other forms of cohabitation be
placed on the same level as marriage, nor can they receive legal
recognition as such. The same is true for the freedom of parents
regarding the education of their children; it is an
inalienable right recognized also by the Universal Declaration on
Human Rights. In the same way, one must consider society’s
protection of minors and freedom from modern forms of slavery
(drug abuse and prostitution, for example). In addition, there
is the right to religious freedom and the development of an
economy that is at the service of the human person and of the
common good, with respect for social justice, the principles of
human solidarity and subsidiarity, according to which «the rights of
all individuals, families, and organizations and their practical
implementation must be acknowledged». Finally, the question of
peace must be mentioned. Certain pacifistic and ideological
visions tend at times to secularize the value of peace, while, in
other cases, there is the problem of summary ethical judgments which
forget the complexity of the issues involved. Peace is always «the
work of justice and the effect of charity». It demands the absolute
and radical rejection of violence and terrorism and requires a
constant and vigilant commitment on the part of all political
leaders.
III. Principles of Catholic
doctrine on the autonomy of the temporal order and on pluralism.
5. While a plurality of
methodologies reflective of different sensibilities and cultures can
be legitimate in approaching such questions, no Catholic can appeal
to the principle of pluralism or to the autonomy of lay involvement
in political life to support policies affecting the common good
which compromise or undermine fundamental ethical requirements. This
is not a question of «confessional values» per se, because
such ethical precepts are rooted in human nature itself and belong
to the natural moral law. They do not require from those who defend
them the profession of the Christian faith, although the Church’s
teaching confirms and defends them always and everywhere as part of
her service to the truth about man and about the common good of
civil society. Moreover, it cannot be denied that politics must
refer to principles of absolute value precisely because these are at
the service of the dignity of the human person and of true human
progress.
6. The appeal often made to
«the rightful autonomy of the participation of lay Catholics» in
politics needs to be clarified. Promoting the common good of
society, according to one’s conscience, has nothing to do with «confessionalism»
or religious intolerance. For Catholic moral doctrine, the
rightful autonomy of the political or civil sphere from that of
religion and the Church – but not from that of morality – is
a value that has been attained and recognized by the Catholic Church
and belongs to inheritance of contemporary civilization. John Paul
II has warned many times of the dangers which follow from confusion
between the religious and political spheres. «Extremely sensitive
situations arise when a specifically religious norm becomes or tends
to become the law of a state without due consideration for the
distinction between the domains proper to religion and to political
society. In practice, the identification of religious law with civil
law can stifle religious freedom, even going so far as to restrict
or deny other inalienable human rights». All the faithful are well
aware that specifically religious activities (such as the profession
of faith, worship, administration of sacraments, theological
doctrines, interchange between religious authorities and the members
of religions) are outside the state’s responsibility. The state must
not interfere, nor in any way require or prohibit these activities,
except when it is a question of public order. The recognition of
civil and political rights, as well as the allocation of public
services may not be made dependent upon citizens’ religious
convictions or activities.
The right and duty of Catholics
and all citizens to seek the truth with sincerity and to promote and
defend, by legitimate means, moral truths concerning society,
justice, freedom, respect for human life and the other rights of the
person, is something quite different. The fact that some of these
truths may also be taught by the Church does not lessen the
political legitimacy or the rightful «autonomy» of the contribution
of those citizens who are committed to them, irrespective of the
role that reasoned inquiry or confirmation by the Christian faith
may have played in recognizing such truths. Such «autonomy» refers
first of all to the attitude of the person who respects the truths
that derive from natural knowledge regarding man’s life in society,
even if such truths may also be taught by a specific religion,
because truth is one. It would be a mistake to confuse the proper
autonomy exercised by Catholics in political life with the claim
of a principle that prescinds from the moral and social teaching of
the Church.
By its interventions in this area,
the Church’s Magisterium does not wish to exercise political power
or eliminate the freedom of opinion of Catholics regarding
contingent questions. Instead, it intends – as is its proper
function – to instruct and illuminate the consciences of the
faithful, particularly those involved in political life, so that
their actions may always serve the integral promotion of the human
person and the common good. The social doctrine of the Church is not
an intrusion into the government of individual countries. It is a
question of the lay Catholic’s duty to be morally coherent, found
within one’s conscience, which is one and indivisible. «There cannot
be two parallel lives in their existence: on the one hand, the
so-called ‘spiritual life’, with its values and demands; and on the
other, the so-called ‘secular’ life, that is, life in a family, at
work, in social responsibilities, in the responsibilities of public
life and in culture. The branch, engrafted to the vine which is
Christ, bears its fruit in every sphere of existence and
activity. In fact, every area of the lay faithful’s lives, as
different as they are, enters into the plan of God, who desires that
these very areas be the ‘places in time’ where the love of Christ is
revealed and realized for both the glory of the Father and service
of others. Every activity, every situation, every precise
responsibility – as, for example, skill and solidarity in work, love
and dedication in the family and the education of children, service
to society and public life and the promotion of truth in the area of
culture – are the occasions ordained by providence for a ‘continuous
exercise of faith, hope and charity’ (Apostolicam actuositatem,
4)». Living and acting in conformity with one’s own conscience on
questions of politics is not slavish acceptance of positions alien
to politics or some kind of confessionalism, but rather the way in
which Christians offer their concrete contribution so that, through
political life, society will become more just and more consistent
with the dignity of the human person.
In democratic societies, all
proposals are freely discussed and examined. Those who, on the basis
of respect for individual conscience, would view the moral duty of
Christians to act according to their conscience as something that
disqualifies them from political life, denying the legitimacy of
their political involvement following from their convictions about
the common good, would be guilty of a form of intolerant
secularism. Such a position would seek to deny not only any
engagement of Christianity in public or political life, but even the
possibility of natural ethics itself. Were this the case, the road
would be open to moral anarchy, which would be anything but
legitimate pluralism. The oppression of the weak by the strong would
be the obvious consequence. The marginalization of Christianity,
moreover, would not bode well for the future of society or for
consensus among peoples; indeed, it would threaten the very
spiritual and cultural foundations of civilization.
IV. Considerations regarding
particular aspects
7. In recent years, there have
been cases within some organizations founded on Catholic principles,
in which support has been given to political forces or movements
with positions contrary to the moral and social teaching of the
Church on fundamental ethical questions. Such activities, in
contradiction to basic principles of Christian conscience, are not
compatible with membership in organizations or associations which
define themselves as Catholic. Similarly, some Catholic periodicals
in certain countries have expressed perspectives on political
choices that have been ambiguous or incorrect, by misinterpreting
the idea of the political autonomy enjoyed by Catholics and by not
taking into consideration the principles mentioned above.
Faith in Jesus Christ, who is «the
way, the truth, and the life» (Jn 14:6), calls Christians to
exert a greater effort in building a culture which, inspired by the
Gospel, will reclaim the values and contents of the Catholic
Tradition. The presentation of the fruits of the spiritual,
intellectual and moral heritage of Catholicism in terms
understandable to modern culture is a task of great urgency today,
in order to avoid also a kind of Catholic cultural diaspora.
Furthermore, the cultural achievements and mature experience of
Catholics in political life in various countries, especially since
the Second World War, do not permit any kind of ‘inferiority
complex’ in comparison with political programs which recent history
has revealed to be weak or totally ruinous. It is insufficient and
reductive to think that the commitment of Catholics in society can
be limited to a simple transformation of structures, because if at
the basic level there is no culture capable of receiving, justifying
and putting into practice positions deriving from faith and morals,
the changes will always rest on a weak foundation.
Christian faith has never presumed
to impose a rigid framework on social and political questions,
conscious that the historical dimension requires men and women to
live in imperfect situations, which are also susceptible to rapid
change. For this reason, Christians must reject political positions
and activities inspired by a utopian perspective which, turning the
tradition of Biblical faith into a kind of prophetic vision without
God, makes ill use of religion by directing consciences towards a
hope which is merely earthly and which empties or reinterprets the
Christian striving towards eternal life.
At the same time, the Church
teaches that authentic freedom does not exist without the truth.
«Truth and freedom either go together hand in hand or together they
perish in misery». In a society in which truth is neither mentioned
nor sought, every form of authentic exercise of freedom will be
weakened, opening the way to libertine and individualistic
distortions and undermining the protection of the good of the human
person and of the entire society.
8. In this regard, it is helpful
to recall a truth which today is often not perceived or formulated
correctly in public opinion: the right to freedom of conscience and,
in a special way, to religious freedom, taught in the Declaration
Dignitatis humanae of the Second Vatican Council, is based on
the ontological dignity of the human person and not on a
non-existent equality among religions or cultural systems of human
creation. Reflecting on this question, Paul VI taught that «in no
way does the Council base this right to religious freedom on the
fact that all religions and all teachings, including those that are
erroneous, would have more or less equal value; it is based rather
on the dignity of the human person, which demands that he not be
subjected to external limitations which tend to constrain the
conscience in its search for the true religion or in adhering to
it». The teaching on freedom of conscience and on religious freedom
does not therefore contradict the condemnation of indifferentism and
religious relativism by Catholic doctrine; on the contrary, it is
fully in accord with it.
V. Conclusion
9. The principles contained in the
present Note are intended to shed light on one of the most
important aspects of the unity of Christian life: coherence between
faith and life, Gospel and culture, as recalled by the Second
Vatican Council. The Council exhorted Christians «to fulfill their
duties faithfully in the spirit of the Gospel. It is a mistake to
think that, because we have here no lasting city, but seek the city
which is to come, we are entitled to shirk our earthly
responsibilities; this is to forget that by our faith we are bound
all the more to fulfill these responsibilities according to the
vocation of each... May Christians...be proud of the opportunity to
carry out their earthly activity in such a way as to integrate
human, domestic, professional, scientific and technical enterprises
with religious values, under whose supreme direction all things are
ordered to the glory of God».
The Sovereign Pontiff John Paul
II, in the Audience of November 21, 2002, approved the present Note,
adopted in the Plenary Session of this Congregation, and ordered its
publication.
Rome, from the Offices of the
Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, November 24, 2002, the
Solemnity of Christ the King. |